In June 1996, Shri Digvijaya Singh, the Chief Minister appointed me as the Director General of Police of the then unified Madhya Pradesh. I was to superannuate in six months time. At that point of time, being the senior most serving officer in the Police hierarchy I had a natural claim to the post though I had very short time left. I called on Shri Digvijaya Singh before a decision was taken and this issue came up; the only point I put forth that was it was the tradition of MP to uphold seniority even though the time was short. Argument of a short stint was never held against any of my predecessors.
Soon, the orders were issued. I submitted my list of professional policing priorities to the Chief Minister. Since I was attempting to accomplish a lot during the available short time, the list including a dozen ambitious points ranging from structural changes to logistical support and financial demands was prepared and submitted. During discussions the CM was candid, and told me that I had full support but for the then contentious issue of introducing the Commissioner of Police system in Madhya Pradesh. I did have a fruitful and satisfying tenure during which most of my projects were completed. Although some of my ambitious projects could not be accomplished given the available short time frame, but the direction was set and the Chief Minister stood by his words.
Those were difficult times for the state. The economic sluggishness, inadequacy of employment avenues and a financial crunch in public spending had given rise to frustrations, angst and the consequential issues of public order. With an aggressive opposition scrutinizing and attacking police handling of difficult law and order situations, the police leadership often had to face criticism. Advantage of working with Shri Digvijaya Singh the Chief Minister was his clarity of purpose, commitment to peaceful solutions and his unflinching support in maintaining communal harmony. He gave his officers full independence to deal with emerging situations.
I fondly recall my meeting with Shri Digvijaya Singh as an earnest young politician, a Member of Parliament, before he became the Chief Minister. He was down to earth and there was no airs about him. In my first meeting with him as the Chief Minister in early 1993 when I was looking after the rather crucial job of Additional DG Administration, I vividly remember his remarkable politeness, suave manners and impeccable courtesy as he interacted with us. A perfect gentleman in the rough and tumble of Indian democracy.
His cheerful manner of dealing with people and his memory about them was phenomenal. A Peoples person, he would go out of his way to put people around him comfortable. Perhaps, this is his greatest strength as an administrator and a politician too. His ever cheerful and smiling demeanor created an atmosphere of confidence and happiness.
I cannot forget the fact that when I requested him to release my first published book titled “Hum Sab Arjun Hain” which had its foreword written by the then Governor Hon’ble Shafi Ahmed Qureshi, he was enthusiastic and the function was arranged in the Raj Bhavan itself.
He was quite flexible in his approach according to the needs. I recollect a telephonic tiff with a very senior politician that had ended in an abrupt almost crude end. When I apprised him of the incident he pondering on his reaction, simply said, you did all right, you needn’t worry.
There were a few disagreements, particularly in the matter of posting of senior officers, but he was always graciously willing to listen to my point of view. There was an incident when I was informed of a key transfer being done without consulting me. Reacting to my protest Shri Digvijaya Singh told me “DG sahib, I have to satisfy many demands”.
Somewhere along the line of balancing the various pulls and pressures of politics, he seemed to have decided that subjectivity rather than objectivity would be more appropriate in administrative decision-making. In a bid to be more inclusive, perhaps, he tried to satisfy as many aspirations as possible, though it is not feasible for an administrator to always do so. He would not say no or could not say no. Thus while many were satisfied, a few others did feel disgruntled.
Scruples in politics have continued to take back seat and shrewd clever balancing seems to have become the major tool for approaching the answers of difficult situations. Shri Digvijaya Singh with his astute acumen, sharp intellect and ability to relate to the public aspirations made significant contribution to the development of the state.
I pray and wish Shri Digvijaya Singh all success in his endeavors to lead the country to greatness.
DEV PRAKASH KHANNA
It is universally accepted that a parental cautionary advice remains permanently embedded in the mind of his offspring. My late father, Shri. J. Chandra was not keen on my joining the Police Service, mainly due to the colonial hangover of police brutality, repression etc. A few days before he died, he left a hand written note for me, which I quote in all humility. “May the wings of peace rest upon your dwelling and the shield of conscience protect you from misery, vice and distortion of truth the inalienable characteristics and attributes of the department of which you have the misfortune to belong” Abba. Indeed this parental commandment has remained the Locus Classicus throughout my service career as well as in retirement. Policing in India, at all levels has been at the receiving end, and a policeman’s image, compared to rest of the civil society is best reflected in Mirza Galib’s verse “Hum Aah bharte hain tho hojaate hain badnam; Woh Qutl bhi karte hai tho charcha nahi hota”.
After serving for over 27 years in the Intelligence Bureau with distinction, a caste – oriented conspiracy at the highest political and bureaucratic levels in G.O.I. compelled me to rejoin my cadre state in 1993 amidst obvious paranoia. However, two years later, 1995 turned out to be my Annus Hubris (year of pride) and I was appointed the Director General of Police by Shri. Digvijay Singh the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, superseding some of my seniors. This was certainly the icing of my career cake – the defining leitmotif of an administration under a dynamic young leader. It is worth mentioning that I had neither known nor met Shri. Digvijay Singh prior to my repatriation to state. Shri. Digvijay Singh’s profound political acumen and his work ethos would put an army of ants to shame. Herein lies his signature strength.
Barely an year as head of the police force of the largest state (M.P. and present day Chattisgarh) my endeavour was to maintain the highest traditions of work culture laid down by probably the most outstanding police officer in the country, the late Shri. K.F. Rustomji – a Union of theorizer, organizer and leader in one man – therein lies greatness. The excellent camaraderie and professional involvement of officers and subordinate staff was again a reflection of the political leadership and influence of the Chief Minister. My short tenure was free from scandals, serious misdemeanour etc. The only unpleasant “Encounter” with the CM was over a murder case registered in Rewa in which an influential politician maliciously tried to involve an innocent 18 year old boy as an accused. I stood my ground and the CM showed his balance reaction by overlooking the politician’s mischief. Two areas which I could not make any progress both at political and bureaucratic levels related to correcting the police – population ratio (1:1200) and the meagre police budget – the bedrock of modernization and police response for any law enforcement agency. One is not possible without the other.
It is 15 years since my superannuation and the short tenure as D.G.P., M.P. under Shri. Digvijay Singh’s leadership will remain the brightest period of my career. The harmonious political beaurocratic work ethos of our days seems like a distant dream in the present day climate of titanic pettiness, greed and corruption in all aspects of societal behaviour. While I am in the autumn of my life, Shri. Digvijay Singh is on an “Encore” career. Aware of his zest for hardwork and ideological commitment he will undoubtedly reach his desired goals. My very best wishes to him.
Sarath Chandra, I.P.S.
Driector General of Police (Retd.,)
Madhya Pradesh
Congress General Secretary Digvijay Singh has been getting a raw deal from the media. He has been the victim of its sarcastic barbs as if he is some sort of a buffoon who shoots his mouth off, causing embarrassment to himself and his party colleagues with his politically incorrect outpourings.
Whereas, my understanding, arrived at from such tidbits that come my way from those in the eyrie of the nation's capital, is that he is being deliberately aggressive at the instance of the party itself, which does not want to come out into the open with any stand on any issue that would plunge it into a controversy or draw public ire. The proof of this is in the fact that so far he has been getting away with the most provocative statements without coming to any harm.
Of course, some party leaders or spokespersons will occasionally say "tut, tut" but it is all part of the game designed and executed at the party's strategy sessions. This kind of a ploy is not uncommon in politics. The CPI(M), during the days of Jyoti Basu as the Chief Minister of West Bengal, used to adopt a similar technique by deploying the Finance Minister, Ashok Mitra.
With the party keeping itself behind the scenes, and Jyoti Basu projecting a suave and genteel public persona, Ashok Mitra will, at frequent intervals, launch scathing attacks on the Centre and everybody in sight of the ruling party on their nefarious conspiracies to do West Bengal down. This was exactly as per the script put together at the daily strategy meetings of the CPI(M) at its headquarters in Alimuddin Street.
When the powers-that-be at Delhi protested, Jyoti Basu would pacify them by saying something like "You know, boys will be boys, and Ashok Mitra will be Ashok Mitra"! But then, thanks to Mitra putting himself out on a limb, Delhi had got the message about CPI(M)'s true feelings. The party's purpose has been served.
PERTINENT QUESTION
All that said, I really feel that Digvijay Singh's recent comments on the series of public castigations by the Supreme Court Bench of parties to the cases on the various scams are justified. It is certainly true, as he said, that "off-the-cuff observations (from the Bench) unfortunately create headlines and at the same time the person against whom the remarks are made doesn't have the opportunity to appeal against these observations" The Supreme Court called the CBI a parrot in a cage. A Central Administrative Bench in Bangalore called the IB a chicken. Now I have a question to the people in general: are we not belittling our institutions?"
This is a pertinent question that cries for a categorical answer in the long-term interests of the nation.
A member of the Congress Working Committee, after affirming the highest respect in which the party holds the judiciary, has rightly pointed out that "We also need to boost the morale of our institutions which are routinely being savaged by the courts."
BJP leader Ravi Shankar Prasad has been extremely short-sighted in diverting attention from the need for judicial restraint to asking Digvijay Singh "to learn and understand as to why there are a series of scams one after another in this government. Can we know that there will be no scam again in the coming months?" He is thereby casting stones from his party's own glass house. I ask him: Can he give that assurance on behalf of his party?
This paper has carried two articles written by me on this very problem of judicial over-reach: "Supreme Court's Obiter Dicta "Moderation adds to the majesty of law" (October 23, 2000) and "An earnest appeal to the higher judiciary" (May 11, 2011). The pith of the articles was in the following quotations: "Judicial reticence has much to commend it; it preserves the neutrality of the judge, it shields him or her from controversy, and it deters the more loquacious members of the judiciary from exposing their colleagues to controversy." (Sir Anthony Frank Mason, ninth Chief Justice of Australia from 1972 to 1995)
"An obiter dictum is a gratuitous opinion, an individual impertinence....the passing opinion of a Judge expressed when it is not called for." (Dictionary of Legal Quotations)
"Judges who covet publicity, or convey the appearance that they do, lead any objective observer to wonder whether their judgments are being influenced by the prospect of favourable coverage in the media." (US Court of Appeals in the Microsoft case).
CROWN AND GLORY
India's Supreme Court itself has explicitly condemned 'sweeping remarks' being passed by Judges and asked them to conduct themselves "within bounds of propriety and sobriety", since "judicial decorum requires that judgments and orders should confine themselves to facts and legal points."
This was the view I expressed in 2000 and this is my view now: If there is one quality that can be singled out as the ultimate crown and glory of life on the Bench, it is being known for exercise of judicial reticence. This calls for firmly resisting the temptation to jump to conclusions before all the arguments on all sides are fully heard. Restraint is all the more imperative because it is not possible for those against whom the Justices direct their pungent remarks to reply to them in the same language and at the same level.
Any opinion on matters of dispute must wait until the judgment is written and delivered, based on a meticulous weighing of evidence adduced. If some aspects of the counsel's arguments are not clear or complete, the judges can no doubt ask for clarifications. If, instead, they give free rein to their feelings in the manner of laymen in ongoing proceedings, especially in words which detract from the sanctity of the pedestal they occupy, they unwittingly give the impression of playing to the galleries and lowering the stature of the institution itself.
The old Biblical precept, "do unto others as you would have others do unto you", is simply another way of saying that if one wants respect from others, one should oneself show respect to others and earn it by one's own behaviour and conduct.
I vividly remember the morning of Feb.3, 1997 when I arrived at the residence of the Chief Minister, Digvijaya Singh to have breakfast with him. I had taken over as Chief Secretary of Madhya Pradesh two days back. Digvijaya Singh had suggested that we could discuss policy issues and tasks ahead over breakfast. When I was ushered in his dining room Digvijaya Singh was already there and greeted me with warmth and his ever present smile. Pleasantries over, he gave me an overview of the State's development, his vision, priorities and tasks to be done. At the end of the conversation he said something extraordinary. All politicians, he said, irrespective of political parties have to take care of their organizations. He assured me that I would never be required to do anything against my conscience or which was against the interest of the State. He kept his promise assiduously throughout my tenure. In a system where political pressures abound and are ubiquitous - like other public servants I too had enough experience of politicians of all hues exerting pressure for their narrow interests - such an amazing assurance and its fulfillment up to the hilt was a blissful experience.
Another incident that is etched in my memory relates to a period when Singh had been Chief Minister for less than a year. A meeting of Cabinet subcommittee chaired by CM was organized at the Kerwa dam. I was then a Principal Secretary. The officers waited in the verandah of the rest house to assist the Ministers. After the meeting was over Singh came out and invited officers to join him for lunch. He addressed a deputy secretary by name while inviting him to join. It was pleasant surprise. Would any CM remember the name of a deputy secretary mush less invite him for lunch? Subsequently I had plenty of occasions to watch instances of his phenomenal memory and courtesy. On Gram Sampark Abhiyan we who accompanied him, were often surprised to see him addressing local sarpanchs in the remote corner of the sprawling State by name. He would talk with local sarpanch, the party worker or the common man with such sincerity and warmth that it instantly established a rapport between him and the public.
Every moment that I spent working as Chief Secretary with Digvijaya Singh - 4 ½ years - was inspiring and rewarding. The work was demanding and sometimes exacting. Though cautious initially he soon reposed complete trust in me which was encouraging as well as scaring; scaring because complete trust carries with it the burden of full responsibility. Digvijaya Singh provided conducive environment for administration to perform and deliver. He gave freedom of action to civil servants but expected accountability from them. He always treated them with courtesy and respect - something which is so rare in political establishment.
The years that I spent as Chief Secretary with Digvijaya Singh were without doubt the best period in my public service career. I worked with full functional autonomy and was never under stress on any issue. The credit for creating these conditions entirely lies with Digvijaya Singh - my only contributing factor being my sincerity and conscientiousness for work.
I enjoyed freedom to decide the course of action on matters where our perception of problems and ways to tackle them were not identical. The agitation of anti-dam activists is a case in point. It was then at its height. What propelled these so-called social activists - apart from self promotion - had always intrigued me. It certainly was not always the interest of the people whose cause they ostensibly espoused. Interestingly these groups always find a section in bureaucracy sympathetic to their actions {with exception of Gujarat} and Madhya Pradesh was no exception. Singh had his group of advisers to counsel him in dealing with the jhola-wallas but he never imposed his views on me. My discretion to act remain unfettered.
Digvijaya Singh's passion for involving people in governance was contagious. State laws were amended to implement the constitutional provisions relating to Panchayati Raj in letter and spirit. Unlike most other States where attempts were to retain powers at the State level. Singh walked extra mile to ensure delegation of maximum powers to PRIs. The civil servants worked with motivation and dedication to put in place a structure of fully empowered PRIs which became a model for others to follow and was acclaimed at the national level. Several other initiatives were taken to empower people at grass-root level and involve them in planning and implementation of schemes. Some such initiatives like Janbhagidari samitis in hospitals and educational institutions are continued by the successor government. It was an exhilarating experience for me to be leading the administrative team at a time when the process of transforming the system of governance was underway.
Equally pleasurable was accompanying the Chief Minister on his Gram Sampark Abhiyan - heat and dust notwithstanding - in a helicopter which would make impromptu landing in a field anywhere in the State. The purpose was to know about implementation of schemes and administrative matters. I have nostalgic memories of these tours. Digvijaya Singh would often take home-made eatables with him which we all shared. On learning that I relished a particular sweet, Mrs. Asha Singh (who unfortunately passed away recently) would specially keep that sweet for me on every subsequent trip of Gram Sampark Abhiyan. Mrs. Asha Singh was a marvelous personality; noble, graceful, generous, caring and yet self effacing. Her untimely demise stunned me and made me extremely sad.
Digvijaya Singh's courtesy, manners, composure and generosity are well known. What is generally not known is the absence of base human emotions such as anger and retribution. I have been a witness to this noble side of Singh. I recall the time when Bhai Mahavir was Governor of Madhya Pradesh. At some point of time the relations between the two dignitaries were not so cordial. While Bhai Mahavir was given to vent his feelings openly sometimes in public too, Singh not only extended all the courtesies to the constitutional head of the State but also never uttered a word, even privately, which was inappropriate to the dignity of the holder of the high office. All requests coming from Raj Bhawan including personal one were promptly attended and complied with. One could draw appropriate lessons from those events.
I have mentioned elsewhere that Digvijaya Singh treated his officers with courtesy. I always felt overwhelmed by the courtesy he showed, confidence he reposed and lavish praise he showered on me. Perhaps this gave an impression of perfect sync between the Chief Minister and the Chief Secretary. This had an interesting fall out. I was approached by many ticket aspirants whenever an election was round the corner. Some believed in long term cultivation! There was a perception in a section that my recommendation could win a ticket or political favour. Contrary to the common perception Digvijaya Singh never consulted me on political matters. Our relationship was purely administrative and also personal with mutual regard. Another result of this perceived proximity with the Chief Minister was that there were often speculations, even in press, about my contesting Parliamentary elections. I was, and remain, a totally apolitical person. I never had interest in the rough and tumble of political activity. My denials, however, were never believed. The speculations continued years after my retirement. The very persons, who cried hoarse about my alleged association with BJP before I joined as Chief Secretary, vociferously proclaimed me as a die-hard congressman after my association with Digvijaya Singh.
One issue on which the Digvijaya Singh Government received, and continues to receive, maximum flak is the condition of roads and power. Having been in position for almost half its tenure I too get my share of criticism. Many relevant facts of that time have remained obscure. Not many people know that it was Digvijaya Singh who conceived and established a joint venture with NHPC which constructed the Indira Sagar and Omkareshwar dams and power houses. I recall how Singh single-handedly faced opposition to the proposal from his cabinet colleagues and removed their misgivings. The same day Singh and I flew to Delhi and met Rangrajan Kumar Mangalam, the then Central Power Minister to get Government of India's approval.
As regards roads, it may surprise many to know that Digvijaya Singh initiated preparation of road projects under public private partnership (PPP) model long before the Government of India conceived the idea and put the model in operation. We had prepared road projects under PPP much before action started anywhere eles. DPRs were prepared and documentation was completed. Tenders for construction of roads were also invited. I am not clear what happened after my retirement but the execution became markedly sluggish and the road projects were put on the back burner. It was almost like a betrayal.
After my retirement occasions to meet or talk with Digvijaya Singh became few and far between. However, whenever such an occasion arose he was as warm - with personal touch - as he always had been. It is this attribute which sets him apart from other politicians. An association with such a person was an unmixed pleasure. We were able to accomplish many goals, many could not be achieved but the efforts to serve the State were immensely gratifying.
FOR THE PAST FIVE YEARS, Digvijay Singh has been working to release the entrepreneurial spirit in Madhya Pradesh's people, all 78 million of them. To accomplish that, the Minister starts his 18-hour days with yoga at 5 a.m. A prince ling from one of the state's former royal houses who is known affectionately as Diggy Raja, he travels throughout the state 20 days in a month in his helicopter, making frequent unscheduled stops. Singh's ambition is to ensure that his programs for building schools, irrigating land, and improving health care are implemented by Madhya Pradesh's people themselves.
Singh's reforms are making a difference. By decentralizing power from the capital, Bhopal, to villages, Singh, 52, is encouraging people to take more responsibility. For example, instead of giving poor farmers repeated but meager handouts during droughts, Singh initiated a program to teach farmers to build tiny dams and extend small loans to them for crops and other private farming businesses. The effort has revived nearly half of the state's 3.4 million hectares of parched land.
Says Singh: "We provide the resources, the people provide the energy."
Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Digvijay Singh on Saturday demanded that the Lok Pal Bill be immediately passed in Parliament, and the Centre transfer all sponsored programmes to the states along with resources for implementation.
He said the Lok Pal Bill must include the highest offices at the national level in its purview. "To correct the public perception about the political leadership, it is essential the highest offices in the country are under public scrutiny," he said.
Today the responsiveness to people's needs was, to a large extent, compromised by having to operate Centre-sponsored programmes in a country of considerably uneven development and Sub-Continental size. The need of the hour was to transfer all such schemes to states along with resources, Singh observed.
The chief minister supported the code of ethics proposed for improving conduct of people in high positions, but felt this should cover all the three pillars of democracy -- the legislature, judiciary and executive. "There should be a crackdown on known offenders. Such people should be weeded out," Singh said, "Property returns should become public documents available on demand."
He said strengthening human rights commissions at the national and state levels would increase responsiveness and accountability.
The chief minister said the administrative reforms should focus on shifting accountability-structures from being upward to outward.
He was of the view that government departments should set apart funds for non-governmental evolutions of government activity.
Singh said the prerequisite for responsive and accountable governance was decentralisation. Decisions, in fact, should be taken at levels closest to the people.
It is after 11 pm and Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Digvijay Singh is speeding from Dhar to Indore after finishing his 12th public meeting of the day. He is clearly tired and pops a few homeopathic pills into his mouth.
"I take these ten minute naps while traveling which are good enough to keep me going," he says, lowering the temperature in his black Scorpio.
The day is not over yet. Sonia Gandhi is arriving in the state the next morning, calls have to be made to the Pradesh Congress Committee in Bhopal for updates and there is just one more week before the toughest battle of his political life gets underway.
If Digvijay Singh is nervous, he does not show it.
Political observers and opinion polls may show him on shaky ground, but the man who has held power in what was till recently India's largest state, for 10 years is confident of another win.
In an exclusive interview to Senior Associate Editor Archana Masih, he spoke about his success and failures, his fiery BJP challenger Uma Bharti and why he will return to power for a third time.
You have been a veteran of so many electoral battles, how tough is this election?
All elections are tough, so is this one. Which one is easy?
There surely must be some different challenges this time.
Every election throws up different challenges. Last time it was the anti-incumbency factor, this time it is roads and power.
You have known Uma Bharti for years, what is your assessment of her as an opponent? Earlier the BJP did not have a chief ministerial candidate as...
No, the last time we had Mr Sunderlal Patwa as the chief ministerial candidate. It is nothing new.
Earlier, there was the impression that these senior men from the BJP were being pitted against the dynamism of Digvijay Singh.
That time also Vikram Verma was one of their potential contenders.
After the bifurcation of Chhattisgarh, what difference has it made to governance in Madhya Pradesh?
My biggest problem is power. After the division of the state and the creation of Chhattisgarh, most of my power stations went to Chhattisgarh and that has made my problem more acute. Earlier, we were little short of power, but not so much.
And in terms of governance?
In terms of governance there is no problem. Earlier there was no problem; even now there is no problem. No one is talking about governance. Everyone is only talking about roads and energy.
Even in those two sectors, we have taken whatever steps that had to be taken. Reforms have already been initiated. We are going for 100 per cent meterisation. We are going for the upgrading of the transmission system. We have gone ahead and reduced our transmission losses. Our plant load factor has gone up substantially. Per unit consumption of power in the state has gone up than what it used to be during the BJP's regime.
But in the agriculture sector we are roughly about 2000 megawatt short of energy, and to meet that contingency, we have to go for selective power cuts in the rural and urban areas.
Your government is being attacked about roads and power. Have you been able to convince people you mean business on these two fronts?
My thrust in the last ten years has been more investment in the social sector. More decentralisation. Improved governance. More empowerment of the local bodies. Simplification of rules and procedures. This I feel we have accomplished.
The concept of district governance was highly appreciated by the honourable prime minister at his chief minister's conference. Now the BJP has put it in its agenda that they will do away with district governments. This is something the honourable prime minister praised. It is a complete reversal of their earlier stand.
I have always felt the BJP is extremely poor in governance and their vision for development. Whatever their main strength has been to communalise and try to polarise the electorate into Hindus and Muslims, which they could successfully do in Gujarat. But here because there were no riots, polarisation has not taken place.
Do you think the BJP has abandoned Hindutva in your state because you are a devout Hindu?
It could be. I have always felt a good Hindu will always respect other religions and people of other religions. That is our Indian ethos. Our religious upbringing is you have to give equal respect to all religions. This is in-built in me because this is how I have been brought up.
What does Hinduism mean to you?
First of all, there is no such religion like 'Hinduism.' This 'Hindu' word came from the Persian because all people living this side of the river Sindhu, Sindh, were called Sindhus and because in Persian 'S' is pronounced as 'H,' so we all became Hindus.
Our religion is Sanatan Dharm or Vedanta Dharm, whatever you call it. This is more of a way of life, your personal belief.
What schedule do you keep during election campaigns?
My working hour during non-elections is also (the same). I sleep between 12 and 1 and wake up at 4.30. From 7 in the morning, I do my exercises, my puja and start meeting people.
You have a darbar every day?
It's not a darbar. I meet everyone. Every morning, I meet (people) without appointment between 7 and 9.
In your own assessment, when you look back at ten years in power, what negatives do you find?
We have done exceedingly well on all other issues, except in roads and power. We have not been able to make the kind of investments which were necessary. Obviously, because we had in our scheme of things decided to give more attention to social sectors than basic infrastructure. That has consciously been done. Now the social infrastructure is ready and is functioning and delivering, we are concentrating on physical infrastructure.
How long will it take to get this on track?
It is already on track. For example, we have roads worth Rs 2,500 (Rs 25 billion) crores being constructed. We have plants generating stations of 3500 megawatts under construction, which will be completed in the next four years. What the BJP is saying we will give you power in the next five years, we have promised to give in three years. We have given a schedule in our election manifesto.
Basically, whatever had to be done has been done. There is nothing much to do. The question is the tendering procedure; the lack of good contractors delayed our road project for a very long time. Otherwise, by now, most of them would have been constructed.
For example, the national highways. This is a national highway [the road from Dhar to Indore], but the sector between Sardarpur and Dhar is very bad. In spite of our best efforts we have not been able to get funds from the Government of India because it is their responsibility. In their national highways they are spending Rs 2 crores (Rs 20 million) per kilometre, but in our state's national highways, they hardly give us Rs 10 to 20 lakhs (Rs 1 million to Rs 1 million) per kilometre.
You have worked with different governments at the Centre. How is your relationship with the NDA government?
The NDA government is running on its own momentum. There is no direction, there is no leadership as such. Each ministry is working in its own cocoon. It's functioning just because it has to function.
Where is the direction? Where is the content in the Government of India?
So far as the honourable prime minister is concerned I have no problem. He has always tried to help me out. But the surface transport ministry is just not clearing our projects.
For how long?
It is almost a year now. The welfare department did not release my family welfare funds till we had to raise this issue twice or thrice. They have still not given us the total amount.
I don't know who has briefed the honourable prime minister that we have not utilised their funds. Our utilisation is one of the highest in the country ? in the prime minister's Grameen Sadak Yojana [rural road plan] or in any other area.
Have you responded to the prime minister's charge that you have under-utilised funds?
I have been trying to say it in my own way and bringing it to the honourable prime minister('s notice), but then, of course, he is being pressurised by his party.
What is your biggest USP when you go for the polls this time?
My credibility. What I said, I delivered.
And you think people believe you?
I do.
What are your party's weaknesses that you need to focus upon?
Yes, there are few areas.
What would they be?
I can't pinpoint as such but every constituency has strong points and weak points. It all depends on the candidate and the configuration of candidates who are contesting. I am going to almost all assembly segments without being charged of being partisan. I am going there on the strength of my own assessment and convenience.
What about your own constituency?
I don't contest that election. My workers and my voters, they contest.
You have a four time MP to contest against you, is it a battle this time?
Hardly a battle.
Will you be spending more time in your constituency this time than you did earlier?
I am addressing two meetings on the 26th I think and then the 29th.
Who are the people who manage your campaign?
During campaigning, we have a core team working in the Pradesh Congress Committee. In my constituency, we have our workers.
What if you lose this election?
I have told you already (in an earlier interview) that I will not seek any post as repentance.
What would this repentance mean?
There is a world beyond all this also. I have been in politics for 30 years, so I might as well take a sabbatical.
Your state made a presentation at the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas in January. How serious is your government about attracting investments from NRIs?
Very serious. The first Special Economic Zone in this country has come up in Madhya Pradesh and is drawing great response. So is the case in other areas also.
People don't know there are hardly any power cuts as far as industry is concerned. This is the holy cow for us because this is where we get our bread and butter.
How many sabhas have you done today?
12.
How do you sit through all of them?
Usually a candidate speaks and I speak. Here it was different [he addressed a meeting in Dhar, where six people spoke before him].
What difference does your presence at a meeting make? What does it do?
There is no way to measure that. It enthuses the candidate, the workers and the campaign sort of picks up.
What is your experience of working with Sonia Gandhi? What kind of a manager is she? Is she hands on? Does she give you enough freedom to function?
She's excellent. She's totally non-interfering and gives us total support. At the same time she keeps a very close track of what is happening in the state. She has been very good. We chief ministers draw a lot of support from her.
Compared to Delhi and Rajasthan , the assumption is that Digvijay Singh is on a sticky wicket. That Shiela Dikshit and Ashok Gehlot may pull through, but not you.
I love to take challenges. It's not the first time that I am on a sticky wicket. Everyone said so last time.
You are confident of making it through?
Yeah. I've learnt the art of playing on a sticky wicket.
How many seats are you looking at?
125 to 135.
You call Uma Bharti your sister and have known her for years and years, what are her strengths?
She's a rabble rouser.
Apart from that?
I'll have to think about it.
What provoked you to file a defamation suit against her? Why did she ruffle you so much?
She leveled such baseless charges. After all, in the present political context where politicians are being seen in very bad light, these charges may stick if I don't react. So I had to do that.
In the BJP who are the leaders you admire?
Atal Bihari Vajpayee .
Does it stop there?
And to an extent Dr Murli Manohar Joshi .
In your own party?
I really admired Rajiv Gandhi a lot. Of course, Soniaji now.
This is the first election in Madhya Pradesh after Madhavrao Scindia's death. He was a charismatic campaigner, what impact has his absence had on the Congress campaign?
His presence would have contributed, but Jyotiraditya Scindia is also a very dynamic person. He has been able to fill that void to a great extent.
Your wife campaigns for you in Raghogarh?
Only in Raghogarh.
Have you consciously kept your family away from campaigning?
I would like to say my wife keeps her own counsel as far as this (politics) is concerned. She does not interfere and does not allow me to interfere in her household affairs.
What is it that makes you angry?
It is very difficult to make me angry.
But Uma Bharti did make you angry?
Not angry. Sad.
Where did you meet her last?
Where did I meet her?
I think at the Orchha temple.
If you had any message to give her, what would that be?
Look after yourself.
No best of luck?
Just look after yourself. Play cool.
Coinciding with World Water Day today, the people's movement for water conservation has beenintensified in Madhya Pradesh through the good old "Pani Bachao Abhiyan" (Save Water Campaign).Under this campaign, people in every village and town would be encouraged to contribute voluntary labour for water conservation till March 28. The Chief Minister, Digvijay Singh, and other Ministers would join this campaign. The focus this week would be on voluntary public initiative in efforts aimed at water harvesting and conservation at the ground level. This initiative of taking the message of water conservation to the villages coincides with I the weeklong meeting of the Third World Water Forum, scheduled to end at Kyoto in Japan this Sunday.
The Chief Minister has directed that the week beginning March 22 be observed as "Shramdaan"week for water conservation. This would be in continuation of the Save Water Campaign which was launched started in 2001.Under the Pani Bachao Abhiyan, over 15 lakh water harvesting structures are claimed have been built so far in the State through Government support and community participation. The Abhiyan, the State Government has emphasized, was the logical culmination of the Rajiv Gandhi Mission for Watershed Management that was launched on August 20, 1994, The Mission has already carried out water conservation works in 8,000 of the 51,000 villages across the State. Confronted with a severe drought in2001, the Government had decided to take the techniques of water conservation to all villages through the Pani Bachao Abhiyan.
Under this program, "Do-it-yourself' methods were propagated for water conservation on farms and fields. The Abhiyan drew from the best practices across the country, which included the Ralegaon Shindi experiment of Anna Saheb Hazare and Shyam Antala's works in Gujarat. The Watershed Management Mission catalysed the Statewide Pani Bachao Abhiyan in 2001 for turning the challenge of drought into an opportunity for water conservation by adopting simple methods developed for water harvesting by the Rajiv Gandhi Mission. In the first phase of the Pani Bachao Abhiyan,over seven lakh water-harvesting structures were constructed with an investment of Rs. 415 crores. Of this, Rs. 99 crores came as contribution from the community.
Keeping in view the initial success of the drive within a short period of six months, the Government decided to institutionalize the Pani Bachao Abhiyan, and Pani Bachao Committees have now beenformed in all villages across the State.Since July 2001, during the second phase of the Pani Bachao Abhiyan, over 11,000 new tanks,8611 new dug-wells, 62,000 farm and dug-out ponds are claimed to have been constructed. Over 9,500old tanks have been desilted and repaired. Arrangments for collecting rainwater from rooftops are claimedhave also been made in over 16,000 houses.
DIGVIJAY SINGH, FORMER Congress Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, addressing the National Conference of Dalits at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi in December 2006.
BHOPAL DOCUMENT
Central to this appreciation is the Bhopal Document prepared in January 2002 at a conference held in the State capital under the aegis of the Digvijay Singh government. Sudha Pai suggests that this conference was a historic one that led to the formulation of a new model of development with several significant qualitative nuances. To start with, the author is of the view that it attempted to mobilise Dalits and tribal people and raise their standards of living by helping them chart new paths in economic empowerment through their own initiatives aided and helped by the state. It is suggested that this new Dalit agenda constituted an alternative strategy at gaining Dalit and tribal support through state-sponsored economic upliftment programmes that sought to address the increasing privatisation and liberalisation of the economy through private-public participation.
Shiv Kumar Pushpakar
At a more involved level, the argument questions the limitations of a model of state-led development, which seeks to use political power by the enlightened elite to bring in changes from above for weaker sections of society. Furthermore, there is the contention that the Bhopal Document looked forward from concepts such as Positive Discrimination and Affirmation Action.
Sudha Pai writes: "The BD (Bhopal Document) has significance for the Indian democracy beyond its immediate political impact. Unlike documents in the past it is not merely a list of new policies for Dalits/tribals to be provided by the state. It introspects upon larger issues such as the relationship between caste and Indian democracy, and whether without removing this hierarchical and oppressive institution India can become a substantive and not merely a procedural democracy.
"Yet at the same time it recognises that in the course of progress towards this goal, a balance is required between the need for maintaining the universal values of democracy and the specific discourse of caste. Too much stress on caste question can lead to differences with groups who could be allies in the democratisation of civil society."
According to the author, two important components of the programme that were developed on the basis of the Bhopal declaration are land distribution and supplier diversity (SD). Though SD was essentially advanced as an administrative initiative during the last financial year (2002-03) of Digvijay Singh's second term, Sudha Pai observes that it has greater political and ideological value in the way it was conceived and implemented. SD stressed the need for the introduction of policies of "diversity" that facilitated suppliership and dealership in the field of business and industry for Dalits in government and private sectors. This apparently had the potential to develop, over time, sections of Dalit and backward communities who have relatively better entrepreneurial abilities. This in turn, it is argued, will help bring down and ultimately remove the marginalisation of these disadvantaged sections from the economic mainstream.
In Sudha Pai's view, this new development initiative is all the more significant in the context of globalisation and the increasing role of the private sector in the socio-economic life of the country. The author is also of the view that sections of the bureaucracy (in the Digvijay Singh regime) were conscientious carriers of the Dalit empowerment agenda. She argues that land distribution to Dalits and the tribal people as well as help from the government to make them retain their hold over the allotted land is required to make SD really effective on the ground.
Obviously, only such a concrete combination between idea and implementation can impart the status of a real path-breaker to this new concept in Dalit empowerment. Notably, the programmes that have come up after the Bhopal Declaration have not been followed up systematically either in Madhya Pradesh or in other parts of the country.
Given the manner in which political forces, including avid advocates of Dalit assertive politics, are grappling with governance and the challenge of adapting Dalit empowerment to changing times, the Bhopal declaration and Sudha Pai's delineation and analysis of the same could well be the trigger for a comprehensive debate, which could throw up more concrete ideas in this direction, adding, deleting or altering some of the tenets of the Bhopal Declaration.
Digvijay's Dalit initiative
POLITICIANS make promises that they rarely fulfil. They make announcements and take positions on sensitive issues that make the sceptics go to sleep. That is, perhaps, the reason why Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Digvijay Singh did not get the kind of Press that his "new age" agenda for the Dalits deserved. At a two-day conference of Dalit intellectuals and social activists he struck a refreshingly bold note on the issue of Dalit empowerment. Of course, some of the 21-points included in the Bhopal Document have a familiar populist ring to them. However, the Chief Minister and the over 500 participants deserve to be complimented for daring to point out the self-limiting and negative aspects of the policy of reservation. The purpose of the exercise may have been to indirectly influence the outcome of the assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh next month. The Samajwadi Party of Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav in the name of social justice has made populist commitments. The Bahujan Samaj Party led by Ms Mayawati has finetuned its Ambedkarite agenda for bluffing its way to possible victory. Mr Rajnath Singh as Chief Minister of the Bharatiya Janata Party-led coalition gave a new dimension to the exploitation of Dalits by offering reservation within job reservations for the most backward castes. And in the absence of a leader of stature Mr Digvijay Singh has been asked to spearhead Congress campaign in UP. The Dalit conference in Bhopal could have been a clever ploy to offer a new deal to the under-privileged sections of society without inviting the wrath of the Election Commission.
Be that as it may, the fact remains that few leaders have had the courage to talk straight on the sensitive issue of reservation of seats for the Dalits. What Mr Digvijay Singh said about the ineffectiveness of the policy of reservation in helping the Dalits break the shackles of economic and social backwardness made a lot of sense. He pointed out that the policy would lose its punch in the near future because the public sector was shrinking. Even if the private sector was made to reserve jobs for the Dalits, it would be able to take care of the economic needs of just 1 per cent of the nearly 17 crore members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes plus those placed in the backward category by the Mandal Commission. After former Prime Minister V.P. Singh unleashed the Mandal recommendations on the nation few politicians have had the courage to question the element of populism built into the present policy of reservation. In fact, mouthing populist rhetoric in the post-Mandal phase helped the likes of Mr Laloo Prasad Yadav, Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav, Mr Kanshi Ram and others to gain acceptability as the messiahs of the Dalits. Mr Digvijay Singh has taken a huge risk by daring to question the long-term consequences of this policy. It is a different matter that the remedy he has offered too stinks of populism. For instance, providing agriculture land to every Dalit family in the state through a series of impractical measures cannot be expected to make the upper castes lose sleep. However, if the Bhopal Document results in a nationwide meaningful debate on the issue, that in itself would be a major achievement and the credit for which should go to Mr Digvijay Singh.
New Delhi: There may be finally some consensus among the Chief Ministers of Naxal-affected states on an anti- Maoist battleplan but within the Congress, the issue continues to create sharp political rumblings.
Congress General Secretary Digvijaya Singh has told NDTV that he had no regrets for going public with his criticism of Home Minister P Chidambaram on the Naxal issue.
In a column in the Economic times, Digvijaya Singh had accused Chidambaram of being intellectually arrogant and adopting a counterproductive policy. Speaking exclusively to NDTV, Digvijaya Singh says he stands by all the comments he made even today, and feels no need to retract them.
Here are excerpts from that exclusive interview with NDTV's Group Editor, Barkha Dutt.
Barkha Dutt: You said in your opening remarks that your position on how to tackle Maoist insurgency the same as the Party...
Digvijaya Singh: Yes
Barkha Dutt: Yet when you went public with your questioning of the home ministry's approach, there was a clear divergence in your mind on how the Home Ministry was approaching and you believed the Party wanted it approached. Is that correct?
Digvijaya Singh: Well, I had a chat with the Home Minister. As I mentioned we have been close friends, we are still close friends...
Barkha Dutt: Even though you called him 'intellectually arrogant'...
Digvijaya Singh: (Laughs) I made that remark, and as a friend I went and apologised also, so don't feel bad about it...
Barkha Dutt: But you believed it...
Digvijaya Singh: I feel he has to be more receptive to ideas. What I feel... there are four issues. The Indian Forests Act has to be ammended. Number two, the Mining Regulation Act has to be ammended, the Land Acquisition Act has to be ammended and the fourth is, the Panchayat extension scheduled areas is to be strongly implemented. These are the four pro-poor, tribal issues which should be looked at.
Barkha Dutt: When you brought this up with Mr. Chidambaram...
Digvijaya Singh: He said Digvijaya, I cannot handle this you should talk to the Prime Minister. I said, as a Home Minister... a overall strategy to (combat) Naxalites... He thought I should be talking... I said you should take a holistic view, you are directly responsible.
Barkha Dutt: And he felt that wasn't his domain and you should raise it with the PM. But you were quoted, as recently as this past week, saying that you do not regret the article in the Economic Times. You don't regret it?
Digvijaya Singh: Certainly not. I standby what I have written and it is as per the Congress policy.
Barkha Dutt: You also said you sounded out the right people before you wrote the article...
Digvijaya Singh: No, I never said that.
Barkha Dutt: That's how the media reported...
Digvijaya Singh: I never said that.
Barkha Dutt: Did you speak to anyone in the Congress before you wrote the article?
Digvijaya Singh: No, no I didn't.
Barkha Dutt: So when you say that you stand by what you wrote, many people would argue that perhaps Digvijaya Singh has a logical argument but he took it into the public domain. He personalised it by calling the Home Minister 'intellectually arrogant'. Could he have had a closed door meeting with Mr. Chidambaram instead...
Digvijaya Singh: (Laughs) Well, I wouldn't like to comment on that.
Barkha Dutt: Let me put it to you, while you may have very complex, very nuanced understanding of what is happening on the ground, there is a larger perception that Digvijaya Singh takes his battles public, that Digvijaya Singh is contrarian, that Digvijaya Singh is designing himself to be the 'chief dissenter' of the Congress party. Let's take this particular example, you believe you were reflecting your party's opinion but even your party at that time said these issues should be raised within the party fora. Even today you are saying you don't regret writing the article in the Economic Times. You don't believe you could have handled it differently, maybe at a closed door meeting, with the home minister, with other senior members of the Congress Party, with Sonia Gandhi, with the Prime Minister...
Digvijaya Singh: Well, PC... Home Minster Chidambaram, you know, he has always been calling me the 'opposition leader within the UPA'...
Barkha Dutt: And do you see yourself as that?
Digvijaya Singh: No certainly not but I have been raising these issues at appropriate levels...
Barkha Dutt: Could you have done it differently, is what I am asking you? Could you have kept it within the party fora?
Digvijaya Singh: Well, there are perceptions to this issue.
Barkha Dutt: What do you feel?
Digvijaya Singh: I feel I did the right thing.
Barkha Dutt: You did nothing wrong...
Digvijaya Singh: No, certainly not.
